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가이트너 美재무, 구제안 발표 연설 (영문)

기사입력 : 2009년02월11일 07:42

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Secretary Geithner Introduces Financial Stability Plan

Remarks by Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner
Introducing the Financial Stability Plan
Tuesday, February 10, 2009

As prepared for delivery

As President Obama said in his inaugural address, our economic strength is derived from "the doers, the makers of things."

The innovators who create and expand enterprises; the workers who provide life to companies; this is what drives economic growth.

The financial system is central to this process. Banks and the credit markets transform the earnings and savings of American workers into the loans that finance a first home, a new car or a college education. And this system provides the capital and credit necessary to build a company around a new idea.

Without credit, economies cannot grow at their potential, and right now, critical parts of our financial system are damaged. The credit markets that are essential for small businesses and consumers are not working. Borrowing costs have risen sharply for state and local governments, for students trying to pay for college, and for businesses large and small. Many banks are reducing lending, and across the country they are tightening the terms of loans.

Last Friday we learned that the economy had lost three million jobs last year, and an additional 600,000 just last month. As demand falls and credit tightens, businesses around the world are cutting back the investments that are essential to future growth. Trade among nations has contracted sharply, as trade finance has dried up. Home prices are still falling, as foreclosures rise and even credit worthy borrowers are finding it harder to finance the purchase of a first home, or refinance their mortgage.

Instead of catalyzing recovery, the financial system is working against recovery. And at the same time, the recession is putting greater pressure on banks. This is a dangerous dynamic, and we need to arrest it. It is essential for every American to understand that the battle for economic recovery must be fought on two fronts. We have to both jumpstart job creation and private investment, and we must get credit flowing again to businesses and families.

Without a powerful Economic Recovery Act, too many Americans will lose their jobs and too many businesses will fail. And unless we restore the flow of credit, the recession will be deeper and longer, causing even more damage to families and businesses across the country.

Today, as Congress moves to pass an economic recovery plan that will help create jobs and lay a foundation for stronger economic future, we are outlining a new Financial Stability Plan.

Our plan will help restart the flow of credit, clean up and strengthen our banks, and provide critical aid for homeowners and for small businesses. As we do each of these things, we will impose new, higher standards for transparency and accountability.

I am going to outline the key elements of this program today. But before I do that, I want to explain how we got here. The causes of the crisis are many and complex. They accumulated over time, and will take time to resolve.

Governments and central banks around the world pursued policies that, with the benefit of hindsight, caused a huge global boom in credit, pushing up housing prices and financial markets to levels that defied gravity.

Investors and banks took risks they did not understand. Individuals, businesses, and governments borrowed beyond their means. The rewards that went to financial executives departed from any realistic appreciation of risk.

There were systematic failures in the checks and balances in the system, by Boards of Directors, by credit rating agencies, and by government regulators. Our financial system operated with large gaps in meaningful oversight, and without sufficient constraints to limit risk. Even institutions that were overseen by our complicated, overlapping system of multiple regulators put themselves in a position of extreme vulnerability.

These failures helped lay the foundation for the worst economic crisis in generations.

When the crisis began, governments around the world were too slow to act. When action came, it was late and inadequate. Policy was always behind the curve, always chasing the escalating crisis. As the crisis intensified and more dramatic government action was required, the emergency actions meant to provide confidence and reassurance too often added to public anxiety and to investor uncertainty.

The dramatic failure or near-failure of some of the world's largest financial institutions, and the lack of clear criteria and conditions applied to government interventions caused investors to pull back from taking risk. Last fall, as the global crisis intensified, Congress acted quickly and courageously to provide emergency authority to help contain the damage. The government used that authority to pull the financial system back from the edge of catastrophic failure.

The actions your government took were absolutely essential, but they were inadequate.

The force of government support was not comprehensive or quick enough to withstand the deepening pressure brought on by the weakening economy. The spectacle of huge amounts of taxpayer assistance being provided to the same institutions that help caused the crisis, with limited transparency and oversight, added to public distrust. This distrust turned to anger as Boards of Directors at some institutions continued to award rich compensation packages and lavish perks to their senior executives.

Our challenge is much greater today because the American people have lost faith in the leaders of our financial institutions, and are skeptical that their government has – to this point -- used taxpayers' money in ways that will benefit them. This has to change.

To get credit flowing again, to restore confidence in our markets, and restore the faith of the American people, we are fundamentally reshaping the government's program to repair the financial system.

Our work will be guided by the lessons of the last few months and the lessons of financial crisis throughout history. The basic principles that will shape our strategy are the following:

We believe that the policy response has to be comprehensive, and forceful. There is more risk and greater cost in gradualism than in aggressive action.

We believe that action has to be sustained until recovery is firmly established. In the United States in the 30s, Japan in the 90s, and in other cases around the world, previous crises lasted longer and caused greater damage because governments applied the brakes too early. We cannot make that mistake.

We believe that access to public support is a privilege, not a right. When our government provides support to banks, it is not for the benefit of banks, it is for the businesses and families who depend on banks… and for the benefit of the country. Government support must come with strong conditions to protect the tax payer and with transparency that allows the American people to see the impact of those investments.

We believe our policies must be designed to mobilize and leverage private capital, not to supplant or discourage private capital. When government investment is necessary, it should be replaced with private capital as soon as possible.

We believe that the United States has to send a clear and consistent signal that we will act to prevent the catastrophic failure of financial institutions that would damage the broader economy.

Guided by these principles, we will replace the current program with a new Financial Stability Plan to stabilize and repair the financial system, and support the flow of credit necessary for recovery.

This new Financial Stability Plan will take a comprehensive approach. The

Department of the Treasury, the Federal Reserve, the FDIC, and all the financial agencies in our country will bring the full force of the United States Government to bear to strengthen our financial system so that we get the economy back on track.

We have different authorities, instruments and responsibilities, but we are one government serving the American people, and I will do everything in my power to ensure that we act as one.

Our work begins with a new framework of oversight and governance of all aspects of our Financial Stability Plan.

The American people will be able to see where their tax dollars are going and the return on their government's investment, they will be able to see whether the conditions placed on banks and institutions are being met and enforced, they will be able to see whether boards of directors are being responsible with taxpayer dollars and how they're compensating their executives, and they will be able to see how these actions are impacting the overall flow of lending and the cost of borrowing.

These new requirements, which will be available on a new website FinancialStability.gov, will give the American people the transparency they deserve.

These steps build on what we've done already. We've acted to ensure the integrity of the process that provides access to government support, so that it is independent of influence from lobbyists and politics. We've committed to provide the American people with information on how their money is spent and under what conditions by posting contracts on the Internet. And, importantly, we have outlined strong conditions on executive compensation.

Under this framework, we are establishing three new programs to clean up and strengthen the nation's banks, bring in private capital to restart lending, and to go around the banking system directly to the markets that consumers and businesses depend on.

Let me describe each of these steps:

First, we're going to require banking institutions to go through a carefully designed comprehensive stress test, to use the medical term. We want their balance sheets cleaner, and stronger. And we are going to help this process by providing a new program of capital support for those institutions which need it.

To do this, we are going to bring together the government agencies with authority over our nation's major banks and initiate a more consistent, realistic, and forward looking assessment about the risk on balance sheets, and we're going to introduce new measures to improve disclosure.

Those institutions that need additional capital will be able to access a new funding mechanism that uses funds from the Treasury as a bridge to private capital. The capital will come with conditions to help ensure that every dollar of assistance is used to generate a level of lending greater than what would have been possible in the absence of government support. And this assistance will come with terms that should encourage the institutions to replace public assistance with private capital as soon as that is possible.

The Treasury's investments in these institutions will be placed in a new Financial Stability Trust.

Second, alongside this new Financial Stability Trust, together with the Fed, the FDIC, and the private sector, we will establish a Public-Private Investment Fund. This program will provide government capital and government financing to help leverage private capital to help get private markets working again. This fund will be targeted to the legacy loans and assets that are now burdening many financial institutions.

By providing the financing the private markets cannot now provide, this will help start a market for the real estate related assets that are at the center of this crisis. Our objective is to use private capital and private asset managers to help provide a market mechanism for valuing the assets.

We are exploring a range of different structures for this program, and will seek input from market participants and the public as we design it. We believe this program should ultimately provide up to one trillion in financing capacity, but we plan to start it on a scale of $500 billion, and expand it based on what works.

Third, working jointly with the Federal Reserve, we are prepared to commit up to a trillion dollars to support a Consumer and Business Lending Initiative. This initiative will kickstart the secondary lending markets, to bring down borrowing costs, and to help get credit flowing again.

In our financial system, 40 percent of consumer lending has historically been available because people buy loans, put them together and sell them. Because this vital source of lending has frozen up, no financial recovery plan will be successful unless it helps restart securitization markets for sound loans made to consumers and businesses – large and small.

This lending program will be built on the Federal Reserve's Term Asset Backed Securities Loan Facility, announced last November, with capital from the Treasury and financing from the Federal Reserve.

We have agreed to expand this program to target the markets for small business lending, student loans, consumer and auto finance, and commercial mortgages.

And because small businesses are so important to our economy, we're going to take additional steps to make it easier for them to get credit from community banks and large banks. By increasing the federally guaranteed portion of SBA loans, and giving more power to the SBA to expedite loan approvals, we believe we can turn around the dramatic decline in SBA lending we have seen in recent months.

Finally, we will launch a comprehensive housing program. Millions of Americans have lost their homes, and millions more live with the risk that they will be unable to meet their payments or refinance their mortgages.

Many of these families borrowed beyond their means. But many others fell victim to terrible lending practices that left them exposed, overextended, and with no way to refinance. On top of that, homeowners around the country are seeing the value of their homes fall because of forces they did not create and cannot control. This crisis in housing has had devastating consequences, and our government should have moved more forcefully to limit the damage.

As house prices fall, demand for housing will increase, and conditions will ultimately find a new balance. But now, we risk an intensifying spiral in which lenders foreclose, pushing house prices lower and reducing the value of household savings, and making it harder for all families to refinance.

The President has asked his economic team to come together with a comprehensive plan to address the housing crisis. We will announce the details of this plan in the next few weeks.

Our focus will be on using the full resources of the government to help bring down mortgage payments and to reduce mortgage interest rates. We will do this with a substantial commitment of resources already authorized by the Congress under the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act.

Let me add that as we go forward, President Obama is committed to moving quickly to reform our entire system of financial regulation so that we never again face a crisis of this severity.

We are consulting closely with Chairman Chris Dodd in the Senate, Chairman Barney Frank in the House, and their colleagues on both sides of the aisle on the broad outline of a comprehensive program of reforms. The President's Working Group on Financial Markets is developing detailed recommendations.

And we will begin working closely with the world's leading economies on a set of broader reforms to the international financial system in preparation for the G-20 Summit in London on April 2nd.

The success of our financial stability plan is going to require an unprecedented level of cooperation, here in the United States and around the world. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, FDIC Chair Sheila Bair, John Dugan, the Comptroller of the Currency, and John Reich the head of the Office of Thrift Supervision, are here today. I want to thank them for helping to shape this plan, and their commitment to making it work.

This program will require a substantial and sustained commitment of public resources. Congress has already authorized substantial resources for this effort, and we will use those resources as carefully and effectively as possible. We will consult closely with Congress as we move forward, and work together to make sure we have the resources and the authority to make this program work.

Later this week, I will be traveling to meet with the G7 finance ministers and central bank governors in Italy. There, I'll start the process of working with our international partners to ensure that we're working together to strengthen recovery and to help stabilize and repair the global financial system.

And we will work closely with the leadership of the IMF and World Bank so that they can deploy resources quickly to help those countries around the world that are most at risk from this crisis.

Many of the programs I've just discussed involve large numbers. But it is important to recognize that these programs involve loans, guarantees, and investments with terms and conditions that protect taxpayers and help compensate the government for risk. Because of these terms and conditions, the risk to taxpayers will be less than the headline.

Our obligation is to design the programs so that we are achieving the largest benefit in terms of supporting recovery at least cost to the taxpayer. And we take that obligation extremely seriously.

But I want to be candid: this strategy will cost money, involve risk, and take time. As costly as this effort may be, we know that the cost of a complete collapse of our financial system would be incalculable for families, for businesses and for our nation.

We will have to adapt our program as conditions change. We will have to try things we've never tried before. We will make mistakes. We will go through periods in which things get worse and progress is uneven or interrupted.

We will be guided by the principles of transparency and accountability, dedicated to the goals of restoring credit to families and businesses, and committed to moving our nation towards an economic recovery that is as swift and widespread as possible.

This is a challenge more complex than any our financial system has ever faced, requiring new programs and persistent attention to solve. But the President, the Treasury and the entire Administration are committed to see it through because we know how directly the future of our economy depends on it.

Thank you.

[뉴스핌 베스트 기사]

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[써보니] 트라이폴드 태블릿과 다르다 [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 삼성전자가 2일 공개한 3단 폴더블폰 '갤럭시 Z 트라이폴드'를 현장에서 직접 사용해보니 예상보다 가볍고 얇은 형태가 먼저 느껴졌다. 크기와 구조상 무게가 상당할 것이란 우려가 있었지만, 실제로 들어보면 생각보다 부담이 덜한 편이다. 다만 한 손으로 오래 들고 쓰기에는 다소 무리가 있고, 전용 케이스나 거치대를 함께 사용할 때 가장 안정적인 사용감이 나온다. 펼친 화면은 태블릿을 떠올리게 할 만큼 넓고 시원하지만, 두 번 접어 휴대할 수 있다는 점은 기존 태블릿과 확실히 다른 경험을 만든다. 동시에 두께·베젤 등 초기 모델의 구조적 한계도 분명히 느껴졌다. ◆ 10형 대화면의 시원함…멀티태스킹 활용도↑ 가장 인상적인 요소는 화면을 펼쳤을 때의 시야다. 10형 대화면은 영상 시청 시 몰입감이 크고 웹 검색·문서 작업에서도 확 트인 느낌을 준다.  [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 삼성전자 '갤럭시 Z 트라이폴드'를 다 펼친 모습. 2025.12.02 kji01@newspim.com [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 삼성전자 '갤럭시 Z 트라이폴드'로 3앱 멀티태스킹을 진행하는 모습. 2025.12.02 kji01@newspim.com 특히 최대 3개의 앱을 동시에 띄워놓는 멀티태스킹 기능은 생산성 관점에서 기존 폴더블보다 한 단계 더 진화했다는 느낌이 강했다. 세 개의 스마트폰 화면을 한 번에 펼쳐 놓은 듯한 넓이가 확보돼, 동시에 여러 작업을 처리하기에 충분한 공간감이 느껴졌다. 이메일·인터넷·메모장 등 업무 앱을 한 화면에서 자연스럽게 배치할 수 있고, 영상 콘텐츠를 켜둔 채 작업을 이어가는 것도 충분히 가능하다. [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 삼성전자 '갤럭시 Z 트라이폴드'로 영상 시청을 하는 모습. 2025.12.02 kji01@newspim.com ◆ 구조에서 오는 한계도 분명…베젤·힌지·두께는 '새로운 폼팩터의 숙제' 새로운 구조 특성상 아쉬운 부분도 있다. 우선 베젤이 비교적 두꺼운 편이다. 화면을 여러 번 접는 구조라 물리적 여유 공간 확보가 필수적이다 보니 테두리가 두드러져 보인다. 상단 롤러(힌지 유닛 일부로 보이는 구조물)도 시각적으로는 다소 낯설게 느껴진다. 화면 연결부 자체는 자연스럽지만, 힌지 구조물 자체는 어색하게 보일 수 있다. [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 삼성전자 '갤럭시 Z 트라이폴드'를 닫은 모습. 2025.12.02 kji01@newspim.com 또 하나는 완전히 접었을 때의 두께감이다. 구조상 여러 패널이 겹치는 형태라 다 접어놓으면 두껍게 느껴지는 것은 불가피하다. 다만 이는 구조에 따른 필연적인 결과로, 사용성에 치명적일 정도의 부담은 아니었다. [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 삼성전자 '갤럭시 Z 트라이폴드'는 왼쪽 화면부터 닫아야 한다. 반대로 닫으려 할 시 경고 알람이 울린다. 2025.12.02 kji01@newspim.com 또 하나 눈에 띄는 점은 접는 순서가 고정돼 있다는 점이다. 오른쪽→왼쪽 순으로 접도록 설계돼, 반대로 접으려 하면 경고 알람이 울린다. 폼팩터 특성상 불가피한 방식이지만, 초기에 적응 과정이 필요하다. ◆ 태블릿과 겹치는 모습…그러나 휴대성이라는 확실한 차별점 사용 경험을 종합하면 '트라이폴드'는 태블릿과 유사한 역할을 상당 부분 수행한다. 대화면 기반의 콘텐츠 소비·문서 작업·멀티 환경 등 핵심 사용성은 태블릿과 맞닿아 있다. [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 삼성전자 '갤럭시 Z 트라이폴드'가 거치대에 놓인 모습. 2025.12.02 kji01@newspim.com 그러나 폴더블 구조로 접어서 주머니·가방에 넣을 수 있다는 점은 태블릿이 따라올 수 없는 차별점이다. 이동이 잦은 사용자에게는 '태블릿과 스마트폰의 중간 지점'에 있는 새로운 선택지가 될 수 있다. 강민석 모바일경험(MX)사업부 스마트폰PP팀장(부사장)은 "태블릿은 주머니에 넣고 다닐 수 없다. 태블릿은 대화면 그 자체의 장점이 있지만, 트라이폴드는 두께·무게 측면에서 소비자가 어디든 가져갈 수 있다는 점에서 혁신을 만들었다"며 "트라이폴드는 기존 태블릿과는 차원이 다른 새로운 카테고리라고 믿는다"고 말했다. ◆ 가격은 부담되지만…경쟁사 대비 '상대적 우위' 가격은 여전히 소비자에게 큰 장벽이다. 출고가 359만400원은 스마트폰 범주에서 결코 가볍지 않은 금액이다. 다만 경쟁사 제품들과의 상대 비교에서는 다른 해석도 가능하다. 중국 화웨이는 올해 출시한 트라이폴드폰을 1만7999위안(약 350만 원)부터 책정했다. 고용량 모델로 갈 경우 2만1999위안(약 429만 원)까지 올라간다. [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 임성택 삼성전자 한국총괄 부사장이 '갤럭시 Z 트라이폴드'를 소개하고 있다. 2025.12.02 kji01@newspim.com 이 기준에서 보면 삼성의 359만 원대 가격은 화웨이 평균 가격보다 낮은 편으로 비교된다. 특히 고용량 기준 화웨이 최고가와의 비교에서는 약 70만 원 가까운 차이가 나, '삼성이 가격 경쟁력까지 고려했다'는 해석이 가능하다. 또 시장에서는 출시 전부터 트라이폴드 구조상 부품 단가가 높아 400만 원 안팎이 될 것이라는 전망이 우세했다. 실제 출고가는 이 예상보다 낮게 형성되면서, 삼성이 새로운 카테고리 안착을 위해 가격선을 일정 수준까지 조정했다는 평가도 나온다. kji01@newspim.com 2025-12-02 11:48
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박대준 쿠팡 대표 "'자발적 배상도 고려" [서울=뉴스핌] 남라다 기자 = 박대준 쿠팡 대표가 "패스키 한국 도입을 검토하겠다"고 밝혔다. 박 대표는 3일 국회 정무위원회 현안질의에서 "한국 쿠팡에서 패스키를 도입할 계획이 있나"라는 이헌승 국민의힘 의원 질의에 이같이 답변했다. [서울=뉴스핌] 윤창빈 기자 = 박대준 쿠팡 대표이사가 3일 서울 여의도 국회 정무위원회에서 열린 쿠팡 개인정보 유출 관련 현안질의에서 의원 질문에 답변하고 있다. pangbin@newspim.com 이 의원은 "대만 쿠팡에서 글로벌 기준에 부합하는 전용 패스키 기술을 독자 개발하고 보급했다"며 "한국에 패스키를 도입했다면 이런 사고가 일어났겠냐"고 강하게 질타했다. 이어 "우리 대한민국에도 바로 대만처럼 대처할 수 있습니까"라고 따져물었다. 이 의원 질의에 박 대표는 "의원님 말씀에 공감하고 깊이 책임감 느끼고 있습니다"며 "조속히 (한국)에 도입될 수 있도록 검토하겠습니다"고 말했다. 소송을 통한 배상 대신 자발적으로 배상 조치하라는 질의에 대해 "적극적으로 검토하겠다"고 전했다. nrd@newspim.com 2025-12-03 15:54
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