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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Secretary Geithner Introduces Financial Stability Plan

Remarks by Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner
Introducing the Financial Stability Plan
Tuesday, February 10, 2009

As prepared for delivery

As President Obama said in his inaugural address, our economic strength is derived from "the doers, the makers of things."

The innovators who create and expand enterprises; the workers who provide life to companies; this is what drives economic growth.

The financial system is central to this process. Banks and the credit markets transform the earnings and savings of American workers into the loans that finance a first home, a new car or a college education. And this system provides the capital and credit necessary to build a company around a new idea.

Without credit, economies cannot grow at their potential, and right now, critical parts of our financial system are damaged. The credit markets that are essential for small businesses and consumers are not working. Borrowing costs have risen sharply for state and local governments, for students trying to pay for college, and for businesses large and small. Many banks are reducing lending, and across the country they are tightening the terms of loans.

Last Friday we learned that the economy had lost three million jobs last year, and an additional 600,000 just last month. As demand falls and credit tightens, businesses around the world are cutting back the investments that are essential to future growth. Trade among nations has contracted sharply, as trade finance has dried up. Home prices are still falling, as foreclosures rise and even credit worthy borrowers are finding it harder to finance the purchase of a first home, or refinance their mortgage.

Instead of catalyzing recovery, the financial system is working against recovery. And at the same time, the recession is putting greater pressure on banks. This is a dangerous dynamic, and we need to arrest it. It is essential for every American to understand that the battle for economic recovery must be fought on two fronts. We have to both jumpstart job creation and private investment, and we must get credit flowing again to businesses and families.

Without a powerful Economic Recovery Act, too many Americans will lose their jobs and too many businesses will fail. And unless we restore the flow of credit, the recession will be deeper and longer, causing even more damage to families and businesses across the country.

Today, as Congress moves to pass an economic recovery plan that will help create jobs and lay a foundation for stronger economic future, we are outlining a new Financial Stability Plan.

Our plan will help restart the flow of credit, clean up and strengthen our banks, and provide critical aid for homeowners and for small businesses. As we do each of these things, we will impose new, higher standards for transparency and accountability.

I am going to outline the key elements of this program today. But before I do that, I want to explain how we got here. The causes of the crisis are many and complex. They accumulated over time, and will take time to resolve.

Governments and central banks around the world pursued policies that, with the benefit of hindsight, caused a huge global boom in credit, pushing up housing prices and financial markets to levels that defied gravity.

Investors and banks took risks they did not understand. Individuals, businesses, and governments borrowed beyond their means. The rewards that went to financial executives departed from any realistic appreciation of risk.

There were systematic failures in the checks and balances in the system, by Boards of Directors, by credit rating agencies, and by government regulators. Our financial system operated with large gaps in meaningful oversight, and without sufficient constraints to limit risk. Even institutions that were overseen by our complicated, overlapping system of multiple regulators put themselves in a position of extreme vulnerability.

These failures helped lay the foundation for the worst economic crisis in generations.

When the crisis began, governments around the world were too slow to act. When action came, it was late and inadequate. Policy was always behind the curve, always chasing the escalating crisis. As the crisis intensified and more dramatic government action was required, the emergency actions meant to provide confidence and reassurance too often added to public anxiety and to investor uncertainty.

The dramatic failure or near-failure of some of the world's largest financial institutions, and the lack of clear criteria and conditions applied to government interventions caused investors to pull back from taking risk. Last fall, as the global crisis intensified, Congress acted quickly and courageously to provide emergency authority to help contain the damage. The government used that authority to pull the financial system back from the edge of catastrophic failure.

The actions your government took were absolutely essential, but they were inadequate.

The force of government support was not comprehensive or quick enough to withstand the deepening pressure brought on by the weakening economy. The spectacle of huge amounts of taxpayer assistance being provided to the same institutions that help caused the crisis, with limited transparency and oversight, added to public distrust. This distrust turned to anger as Boards of Directors at some institutions continued to award rich compensation packages and lavish perks to their senior executives.

Our challenge is much greater today because the American people have lost faith in the leaders of our financial institutions, and are skeptical that their government has – to this point -- used taxpayers' money in ways that will benefit them. This has to change.

To get credit flowing again, to restore confidence in our markets, and restore the faith of the American people, we are fundamentally reshaping the government's program to repair the financial system.

Our work will be guided by the lessons of the last few months and the lessons of financial crisis throughout history. The basic principles that will shape our strategy are the following:

We believe that the policy response has to be comprehensive, and forceful. There is more risk and greater cost in gradualism than in aggressive action.

We believe that action has to be sustained until recovery is firmly established. In the United States in the 30s, Japan in the 90s, and in other cases around the world, previous crises lasted longer and caused greater damage because governments applied the brakes too early. We cannot make that mistake.

We believe that access to public support is a privilege, not a right. When our government provides support to banks, it is not for the benefit of banks, it is for the businesses and families who depend on banks… and for the benefit of the country. Government support must come with strong conditions to protect the tax payer and with transparency that allows the American people to see the impact of those investments.

We believe our policies must be designed to mobilize and leverage private capital, not to supplant or discourage private capital. When government investment is necessary, it should be replaced with private capital as soon as possible.

We believe that the United States has to send a clear and consistent signal that we will act to prevent the catastrophic failure of financial institutions that would damage the broader economy.

Guided by these principles, we will replace the current program with a new Financial Stability Plan to stabilize and repair the financial system, and support the flow of credit necessary for recovery.

This new Financial Stability Plan will take a comprehensive approach. The

Department of the Treasury, the Federal Reserve, the FDIC, and all the financial agencies in our country will bring the full force of the United States Government to bear to strengthen our financial system so that we get the economy back on track.

We have different authorities, instruments and responsibilities, but we are one government serving the American people, and I will do everything in my power to ensure that we act as one.

Our work begins with a new framework of oversight and governance of all aspects of our Financial Stability Plan.

The American people will be able to see where their tax dollars are going and the return on their government's investment, they will be able to see whether the conditions placed on banks and institutions are being met and enforced, they will be able to see whether boards of directors are being responsible with taxpayer dollars and how they're compensating their executives, and they will be able to see how these actions are impacting the overall flow of lending and the cost of borrowing.

These new requirements, which will be available on a new website FinancialStability.gov, will give the American people the transparency they deserve.

These steps build on what we've done already. We've acted to ensure the integrity of the process that provides access to government support, so that it is independent of influence from lobbyists and politics. We've committed to provide the American people with information on how their money is spent and under what conditions by posting contracts on the Internet. And, importantly, we have outlined strong conditions on executive compensation.

Under this framework, we are establishing three new programs to clean up and strengthen the nation's banks, bring in private capital to restart lending, and to go around the banking system directly to the markets that consumers and businesses depend on.

Let me describe each of these steps:

First, we're going to require banking institutions to go through a carefully designed comprehensive stress test, to use the medical term. We want their balance sheets cleaner, and stronger. And we are going to help this process by providing a new program of capital support for those institutions which need it.

To do this, we are going to bring together the government agencies with authority over our nation's major banks and initiate a more consistent, realistic, and forward looking assessment about the risk on balance sheets, and we're going to introduce new measures to improve disclosure.

Those institutions that need additional capital will be able to access a new funding mechanism that uses funds from the Treasury as a bridge to private capital. The capital will come with conditions to help ensure that every dollar of assistance is used to generate a level of lending greater than what would have been possible in the absence of government support. And this assistance will come with terms that should encourage the institutions to replace public assistance with private capital as soon as that is possible.

The Treasury's investments in these institutions will be placed in a new Financial Stability Trust.

Second, alongside this new Financial Stability Trust, together with the Fed, the FDIC, and the private sector, we will establish a Public-Private Investment Fund. This program will provide government capital and government financing to help leverage private capital to help get private markets working again. This fund will be targeted to the legacy loans and assets that are now burdening many financial institutions.

By providing the financing the private markets cannot now provide, this will help start a market for the real estate related assets that are at the center of this crisis. Our objective is to use private capital and private asset managers to help provide a market mechanism for valuing the assets.

We are exploring a range of different structures for this program, and will seek input from market participants and the public as we design it. We believe this program should ultimately provide up to one trillion in financing capacity, but we plan to start it on a scale of $500 billion, and expand it based on what works.

Third, working jointly with the Federal Reserve, we are prepared to commit up to a trillion dollars to support a Consumer and Business Lending Initiative. This initiative will kickstart the secondary lending markets, to bring down borrowing costs, and to help get credit flowing again.

In our financial system, 40 percent of consumer lending has historically been available because people buy loans, put them together and sell them. Because this vital source of lending has frozen up, no financial recovery plan will be successful unless it helps restart securitization markets for sound loans made to consumers and businesses – large and small.

This lending program will be built on the Federal Reserve's Term Asset Backed Securities Loan Facility, announced last November, with capital from the Treasury and financing from the Federal Reserve.

We have agreed to expand this program to target the markets for small business lending, student loans, consumer and auto finance, and commercial mortgages.

And because small businesses are so important to our economy, we're going to take additional steps to make it easier for them to get credit from community banks and large banks. By increasing the federally guaranteed portion of SBA loans, and giving more power to the SBA to expedite loan approvals, we believe we can turn around the dramatic decline in SBA lending we have seen in recent months.

Finally, we will launch a comprehensive housing program. Millions of Americans have lost their homes, and millions more live with the risk that they will be unable to meet their payments or refinance their mortgages.

Many of these families borrowed beyond their means. But many others fell victim to terrible lending practices that left them exposed, overextended, and with no way to refinance. On top of that, homeowners around the country are seeing the value of their homes fall because of forces they did not create and cannot control. This crisis in housing has had devastating consequences, and our government should have moved more forcefully to limit the damage.

As house prices fall, demand for housing will increase, and conditions will ultimately find a new balance. But now, we risk an intensifying spiral in which lenders foreclose, pushing house prices lower and reducing the value of household savings, and making it harder for all families to refinance.

The President has asked his economic team to come together with a comprehensive plan to address the housing crisis. We will announce the details of this plan in the next few weeks.

Our focus will be on using the full resources of the government to help bring down mortgage payments and to reduce mortgage interest rates. We will do this with a substantial commitment of resources already authorized by the Congress under the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act.

Let me add that as we go forward, President Obama is committed to moving quickly to reform our entire system of financial regulation so that we never again face a crisis of this severity.

We are consulting closely with Chairman Chris Dodd in the Senate, Chairman Barney Frank in the House, and their colleagues on both sides of the aisle on the broad outline of a comprehensive program of reforms. The President's Working Group on Financial Markets is developing detailed recommendations.

And we will begin working closely with the world's leading economies on a set of broader reforms to the international financial system in preparation for the G-20 Summit in London on April 2nd.

The success of our financial stability plan is going to require an unprecedented level of cooperation, here in the United States and around the world. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, FDIC Chair Sheila Bair, John Dugan, the Comptroller of the Currency, and John Reich the head of the Office of Thrift Supervision, are here today. I want to thank them for helping to shape this plan, and their commitment to making it work.

This program will require a substantial and sustained commitment of public resources. Congress has already authorized substantial resources for this effort, and we will use those resources as carefully and effectively as possible. We will consult closely with Congress as we move forward, and work together to make sure we have the resources and the authority to make this program work.

Later this week, I will be traveling to meet with the G7 finance ministers and central bank governors in Italy. There, I'll start the process of working with our international partners to ensure that we're working together to strengthen recovery and to help stabilize and repair the global financial system.

And we will work closely with the leadership of the IMF and World Bank so that they can deploy resources quickly to help those countries around the world that are most at risk from this crisis.

Many of the programs I've just discussed involve large numbers. But it is important to recognize that these programs involve loans, guarantees, and investments with terms and conditions that protect taxpayers and help compensate the government for risk. Because of these terms and conditions, the risk to taxpayers will be less than the headline.

Our obligation is to design the programs so that we are achieving the largest benefit in terms of supporting recovery at least cost to the taxpayer. And we take that obligation extremely seriously.

But I want to be candid: this strategy will cost money, involve risk, and take time. As costly as this effort may be, we know that the cost of a complete collapse of our financial system would be incalculable for families, for businesses and for our nation.

We will have to adapt our program as conditions change. We will have to try things we've never tried before. We will make mistakes. We will go through periods in which things get worse and progress is uneven or interrupted.

We will be guided by the principles of transparency and accountability, dedicated to the goals of restoring credit to families and businesses, and committed to moving our nation towards an economic recovery that is as swift and widespread as possible.

This is a challenge more complex than any our financial system has ever faced, requiring new programs and persistent attention to solve. But the President, the Treasury and the entire Administration are committed to see it through because we know how directly the future of our economy depends on it.

Thank you.

[관련키워드]

[뉴스핌 베스트 기사]

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도미니카-베네수전 AI 전망은 * 'AI MY 뉴스'가 제공하는 AI 어시스턴트로 요약한 내용으로 퍼플렉시티 AI 모델이 적용됐습니다. 상단의 'AI MY 뉴스' 로그인을 통해 뉴스핌의 차세대 AI 콘텐츠 서비스를 활용해보기 바랍니다. [서울=뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자 = '기적의 8강'을 이룬 한국 야구 대표팀이 천신만고 끝에 마이애미행 비행기를 탔다. 류지현호가 월드베이스볼클래식(WBC) 8강 무대에서 만날 D조 1위 후보 도미니카공화국과 베네수엘라는 얼마나 강한 팀일까. 한국이 4강에 오를 확률과 8강전 전망을 AI에게 물었다. ◆ '우승 후보' 도미니카와 만날 경우 도미니카 라인업을 들여다보면 '초호화 군단' 미국 못지않다. 후안 소토, 블라디미르 게레로 주니어, 페르난도 타티스 주니어, 훌리오 로드리게스, 매니 마차도. 1번부터 6번까지 사실상 모두가 미국프로야구 메이저리그(MLB) MVP·실버슬러거급 타자들이다. 하위 타선이라고 해도 한국 투수들에겐 숨 고를 구간이 없다. 마운드도 만만치 않다. 샌디 알칸타라를 비롯한 메이저리그 에이스급 선발들이 버티고 있다. 6회 이후에는 시속 160㎞에 가까운 강속구를 뿌리는 불펜 투수들이 줄줄이 대기한다. 조별리그에서도 초반에 대량 득점을 만든 뒤 불펜으로 경기를 잠그는 장면이 반복됐다. [AI 일러스트=박상욱 기자] 도미니카는 조별리그에서 압도적인 투타를 앞세워 니카라과를 12–3, 네덜란드를 12–1(7회 콜드게임)로 완파했다. 객관적인 전력, 메이저리그 경험치, 장타 생산력 모두 도미니카가 한국보다 한 수 위라는 평가다. 확률로 환산하면 중립 구장 기준 도미니카 승리 65~75%, 한국 승리 25~35% 정도의 매치업이다. '10번 붙으면 3번 정도 잡는 상대'라는 표현이 크게 틀리지 않는다. [마이애미 로이터=뉴스핌] 도미니카공화국 선수들이 10일에 열린 WBC 이스라엘과의 경기에서 타티스 주니어가 만루홈런을 쏘아 올리자 세리머니를 하고 있다. 2026.03.10 wcn05002@newspim.com '언더독' 한국이 '업셋'을 노리기 위한 조건은 분명하다. '저득점 접전+완벽한 수비+효율적인 찬스 처리'라는 세 가지다. 적어도 경기 중반까지는 접전을 유지해야 한다. 수비에서 단 한 번의 실수도 허용해선 안 된다. 실책은 곧 장타와 빅이닝으로 이어질 가능성이 크다. 공격에서는 장타 싸움이 아니라 '스몰 야구'로 괴롭혀야 한다. 김도영이 출루하고 이정후, 문보경 등 중심 타선이 적시타로 점수를 만들어야 한다. ◆ '다크호스' 베네수엘라와 만날 경우 베네수엘라는 결이 조금 다르다. 도미니카가 '대포 군단'이라면 베네수엘라는 '소총 부대'에 가깝다. 베네수엘라의 간판 타자 로날드 아쿠냐 주니어가 리드오프로 출루의 물꼬를 트고, 'MLB 최고의 교타자' 루이스 아라에즈가 콘택트와 출루를 책임진다. 여기에 윌리엄 콘트레라스와 윌슨 콘트레라스 형제의 장타력이 더해진다. 한 방보다 끊어지지 않는 공격 흐름이 강점이다. 글레이버 토레스와 안드레스 히메네스가 구성하는 미들 인필드의 수비력과 주루 센스가 공수의 안정감을 더한다. [AI 일러스트=박상욱 기자] 마운드도 탄탄하다. 에두아르도 로드리게스, 레인저 수아레스 등 메이저리그에서 검증된 좌완 선발들이 포진해 있다. 불펜 역시 다양한 유형의 투수들로 구성돼 있다. 조별리그에서도 화끈한 득점 쇼보다는 실점을 억제하는 야구로 승리를 쌓았다. 네덜란드를 6–2, 이스라엘을 11–3, 니카라과를 4–0으로 꺾으며 안정적인 경기 운영을 보여줬다. [마이애미 로이터=뉴스핌] 베네수엘라 선수들이 10일에 열린 WBC 니카라과와의 경기에서 아쿠냐 주니어가 솔로홈런을 쏘아 올리자 세리머니를 하고 있다. 2026.03.10 wcn05002@newspim.com 그래도 한국 입장에서는 도미니카보다는 숨통이 조금 트이는 상대다. 한국 승리 확률은 약 35~45% 수준으로 평가된다. 장타 뎁스는 도미니카보다 한 단계 낮고, 대신 콘택트·주루·수비 중심의 야구를 하기 때문이다. 한국이 강점을 가진 수비 집중력과 작전 야구, 불펜 운영으로 흐름을 끌고 갈 여지도 있다. 베네수엘라의 테이블세터인 아쿠냐 주니어와 아라에즈의 출루를 최대한 봉쇄하는 것이 중요하다. 공격에서는 거포의 한 방보다 강한 땅볼과 라인드라이브 타구를 중심으로 번트와 히트앤드런을 섞어 상대 내야 수비를 흔드는 접근이 필요하다. psoq1337@newspim.com 2026-03-10 13:01
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모텔 연쇄살인 피의자 신상 공개 [서울=뉴스핌] 조준경 기자 = 검찰이 강북 모텔 연쇄살인 20대 여성 피의자의 신상을 공개했다. 서울북부지검은 9일 신상정보공개심의위원회를 열고 강북 모텔 연쇄살인 사건 피의자 김소영(20) 씨 이름과 나이, 머그샷을 공개했다. 신상은 이날부터 오는 4월 8일까지 30일간 공개된다. [사진=서울북부지방검찰청] 강북 모텔 연쇄살인 피의자 20세 김소영 중대범죄신상공개법에 따라 검찰은 강력범죄 등 특정중대범죄 혐의가 있는 피의자를 신상정보공개심의위원회에 회부해 신상 공개 여부를 결정할 수 있다. 김씨는 지난해 12월 중순부터 지난달 9일까지 20대 남성 3명에게 벤조디아제핀계 약물이 든 음료를 건네 의식을 잃게 하거나 사망에 이르게 한 혐의(살인·마약류관리법 위반 등)를 받는다. 피해자들 중 2명은 숨졌고 1명은 치료를 받고 회복한 것으로 알려졌다. 김씨는 경찰 조사에서 병원에서 처방받은 약물을 숙취해소제에 타서 들고 다녔다고 진술했다. 또 남성들에게는 모텔 등에서 의견이 충돌해 이를 건넸다고 주장했다.  그러나 경찰은 김씨가 첫 범행 이후 약물 양을 늘렸다고 진술한 점, 휴대전화 포렌식 자료 등을 볼 때 사망 가능성을 충분히 인지했던 것으로 판단하고 상해치사가 아닌 살인죄를 적용해 지난달 19일 검찰에 송치했다. 경찰은 김 씨가 피해 남성으로부터 고급 식사 등을 제공받는 등 본인 경제력으로는 불가능한 경험을 할 기회로 삼은 것으로 보고 있다. 김씨가 사이코패스에 해당한다는 결과도 나왔다. 서울 강북경찰서는 김 씨에 대한 사이코패스 진단 평가(PCL-R) 결과 사이코패스에 해당한다는 판명 결과를 검찰에 송부했다.  사이코패스 진단검사는 냉담함, 충동성, 공감 부족, 무책임 등 사이코패스 성격적 특성을 지수화해서 도출한다. 총 20문항으로 이뤄졌으며 40점 만점이다. 통상 25점 넘으면 사이코패스로 분류되는데 김씨는 기준치 이상 점수를 받았다고 알려졌다. 한편 피해자로 추정되는 남성 2명이 추가로 드러나면서 경찰은 김 씨 여죄를 수사 중이다. calebcao@newspim.com 2026-03-09 14:40
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